Human trafficking and child sex trafficking

Human trafficking and child sex trafficking In recent years, there has been an increasing interest in the research of human trafficking, both in general and in child sex trafficking as a specific and crucial phenomenon. According to the U.S. Department of State (2007) trafficking is one of the fastest growing criminal enterprises with an approximate number of 800.000 victims each year trafficked over international borders. Anti-trafficking campaigns and NGOs have mushroomed and anti-trafficking policies have become important features of both international development agencies and governmental agendas (Piper 2005:203). Largely, scholars have concentrated their research on South East Asia; a region which is often described as the hub of trafficking in persons, particularly for the purpose of sexual exploitation. Since the UN Transitional Authority period child sex trafficking and child sex tourism have been identified as a specific problems and Cambodia has become the focus of many UN activities. Child sex trafficking is describ ed as relatively new phenomenon in Cambodia which did not exist before 1970 (Archivantitkul: 1998). The political and economic landscape of Cambodia as well as moral and social values have changed considerably in the last three decades since the Khmer Rouge regime. This fact makes Cambodia particularly vulnerable for people who seek to make a profit from the poverty of people who may be overwhelmed by the ongoing fast changing impacts which come to their country. South-East Asia has a large scale of undocumented labour migration. Those migrations flows are greatly facilitated by recruiters in destination and origin countries which can cause an exploitative situation. There is a fine line between the issues of migrant smuggling and trafficking and their distinctions are often blurred. Therefore, trafficking has to be seen as a part of migration flows (Piper 2005: 207). Most of human trafficking activities in South East Asia, particularly in the Mekong sub-region, take place domestically and so one can refer more to a regional or national problem than to an international one (ibid.:204). This part of the issue should be considered carefully as different patterns such as globalisation and the socio-economic conditions play an important role and could make trafficking in Cambodia again an international problem considering the causes ( ibid.:205). The definition of trafficking has changed considerably in the last number of decades and yet there is still no consensus about a universally valid definition (Laczko 2005: 10). The lack of a common definition together with the refusal of some states to recognise the existence of trafficking within their country makes it hard to combat this issue effectively on a global scale (Savona and Stefanizzi 2007: 2). In 2000, the UN General Assembly adopted the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons  [1]  , also known as the Palermo Protocol. The protocol offers for the first time a legally binding international definition of trafficking as the control of one person over another for the purpose of exploitation: Trafficking in persons shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs. Human trafficking and in particular child sex trafficking is considered by different scholars and studies (e.g. Williams and Masika 2002; Jana 2002; Asia Regional Cooperation to Prevent People Trafficking 2003) as a highly gendered topic. Despite the lack of research and accurate data on trafficking patterns, and it is clear that the majority of trafficking victims are women and girls (UNODC, 2006). Hence, one can say that trafficking is so often seen to be caused and facilitated by unequal gender relations and patriarchal values and systems (Williams and Masika 2002: 6). Undeniably, this creates of vulnerabilities and therefore human rights violations on women and children. Understanding the gender dimensions of this phenomenon is crucial to obtain a clear picture of the recruitment of trafficking victims up to the development of policy strategies and campaigns to combat these human rights violations. 1.1. The construction of the victim of child sex trafficking Existing research as well as political and criminal justice activity has the tendency to focus on the offender and their identification and punishment, rather than considering the victims of sex trafficking as equal players. This reflects a traditional criminology research approach which is often criticised by victimology discourse (Goody 2005: 239). Despite the large amount of literature and research which addresses child sex trafficking in Cambodia, there remains a gap about the conceptualisation of the victim of child sex trafficking. From a western perspective, victim conceptions are diverse which can be seen for instance in the ideal victim (Christie 1986) and in social constructivism views (e.g. Schà ¼tz 1962). Therefore it is also vital to consider the gender perspective of trafficking and the social role and construction of women and girls in the Cambodian society today in contrast to the past. For a better understanding of the origin of the construction perceptions it is interesting to take a closer look at constructivism theory. The concept of the victim underlies a construction of a certain reality within a culture, a society and in particular an institution. Those constructions of realities can be seen in the light of constructivism which means the construction of social realities. The theory of social constructivism has been contributed to by Schà ¼tz (1962), Berger and Luckmann (1966) and Gergen (1985, 1999). Regarding the construction of knowledge Schà ¼tz (1962: 5) argues that (a)ll our knowledge of the world, in common sense as well as in scientific thinking, involves constructs, i.e. a set of abstractions, generalizations, formalizations, idealizations, specific to the relevant level of thought organization. In terms of constructing the picture of a victim one can assume that the content of a perception is constructed in an active- constructive process of production rather than a passive- receptive process of representation (Flick 2004: 89). We find access to our world of experience which includes natural and social environment as well as certain conceptions by the construction of concepts and knowledge which are used to interpret experiences, understanding and attribution of meaning (ibid.: 90). It is crucial to regard the construction of knowledge and concepts in the context of social research and figure out the relevance for the present dissertation. Schà ¼tz (1962: 208ff) describes that social research uses pre-existing everyday constructs out of everyday knowledge and constructs with this another more formalised and generalised version of the world (Flick 2004: 91). Due to the lack of research about the conception of a victim in Cambodian society, my dissertation will focus on the social construct of a child sex trafficking victim and how it differs depending on the social environment or society the child is living in. This research seeks to identify the concept of a child sex trafficking victim which NGOs, International Organisation and the Cambodian government develop campaigns and policies to combat trafficking on. To get a clearer picture of the causes of child victim Piper (2005) claims that there is more research required into pre-trafficking situations (evidence of child abuse, family situation, and socio-economic pressure on family) and the challenges faced by trafficked victims who return to their countries and/ or regions of origin. Also the question arises of whether the victim can attain victim status after being returned to the family or whether stigmatisation causes him/her to be seen as an outcast. I would like to consider these issues for my qualitative interviews with NGOs and governmental representatives in Cambodia. 1.2. Additional literature review Apart from the literature referred to in the text above, essential texts for researching human trafficking and child sex trafficking in particular are e.g. Micollier (eds) (2004) who edited different essays which examine the social construction of sexuality, gender roles in the family, and gendered power relations in society in East Asia. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) also published various studies and books concerning human trafficking. The most contributive one for my research (IOM 2005), gathers a collection of essays that describe data collection and research of human trafficking from different countries. Relevant for the Mekong sub-region, Nicola Piper (2005) gives a review in this book about undertaken research on trafficking in South East Asia and Oceania. She highlights the gaps of knowledge in literature and research of trafficking issues. Savona and Stefanizzi (eds) (2007) and their contributors have a similar focus but offer a deeper analysis of migrat ion flows and trafficking and improving monitoring mechanisms for these complex criminal activities. An important study about human trafficking in Cambodia was undertaken by the Asia Regional Cooperation to Prevent People Trafficking (2003): Gender, Human Trafficking and the Criminal Justice System in Cambodia. Their research focus was on the gender perspective of trafficking and the underlying causes and contributing factors. Another study by the Asian Foundation (2006): A Review of a Decade of Research On Trafficking in Persons, Cambodia, aimed to provide a systematically review on trafficking related research about the consequences, scopes and patterns of trafficking. They review more trafficking in general and in its various patterns. Child sex trafficking is considered in a small but well researched paragraph. Summing up, these key readings and studies all critically asses human trafficking and offer a variety of valid perspectives on the phenomenon. 2. Research question and aim Research question As introduced to in the paragraph above, my research question arises out of a literature gap.: What type of conceptualisation of a victim do victim support centres, NGOs and the government in Cambodia have and how do those concepts influence their work, campaigns and policy strategies? Research aim The research aim is to identify the different existing constructions of a child sex trafficking victims in Cambodia provided and to explore if the social and cultural construction of a trafficked child differs depending on society and social environment like shelters or vocational training programme the child lives in or is involved in. Possible sub-questions that contribute to the research question are: How do children become victims of trafficking? What is the social construction of women and girls in Cambodia? Explore the historical development of the term child and juvenile in Cambodia in legal and cultural ways. Is there a changing meaning of those terms? How important is virginity for Cambodian men? 3. Research Method/ Design According to Flick (2006), the foundation of qualitative research is the reconstruction of social realities. Through the exploration of subjective perceptions, patterns of interpretation, structural characteristics and the latent meaning of action, a deeper understanding of a study field can be achieved. Thereby, no proband taming takes place by presetting of answering categories, but it creates a space for individual perspectives of the study field (Muckel 1996: 66). The general claim of qualitative research is to describe life worlds from the inside out, from the point of view of the people who participate (Flick et al: 3), to contribute to a better understanding of social realities. In comparison to quantitative social research where one examine already formulated hypothesis, the aim of qualitative research is to discover new ideas and to develop empirically justified theories (Flick 2006: 15). Though, the communication of the researches of the particular field, i.e. the subjectiv ity of the researcher and the researched, becomes an essential component of the research process and the finding (Flick 2006). Contrary to quantitative research controlling or excluding influence from the researched as interfering variables, in qualitative research the reflection of the researchers actions, his perceptions and observations as well as impressions and irritations are involved in the data evaluation process (ibid.: 16). The openness to the primary world of the researched and their different constructions of reality as well as according to the applied research methods are a basic characteristic of qualitative research (ibid.). My research interest focuses on the subjective views and conception of the victim of child sex trafficking in Cambodia. Therefore it is essential to apply qualitative research methods. In the following I will describe the chosen methods of collecting and evaluating data. 3.1. Method of data collection The dissertation seeks to asses NGOs, crisis centres and governmental agencies conceptions and views of the victim of child sex trafficking in Cambodia. The aim is to examine how their construction of a child victim influences their project, campaigns and policies. This interrelation is possible to depict verbally but not easily to detect throughout observation processes due to ethical considerations. The observation of the work with victims is ethically not justifiable in such a short research time frame as the identity with victims is strictly confidential and observation is not approved by the organisations or shelters if the researcher is not able to stay at least 2 month. Therefore the qualitative interview with the organisations and shelters was chosen as a research method. The main interest is to find out about particular perceptions and more complex argumentations. Therefore the questioning should be more active and probing (Hopf 2004: 204). Semi-structured Interview The semi-structured interview is an appropriate approach to explore the subjective perception and theories that stands behind my questionnaire. Scheele and Groeben (1988) introduced this approach to explore the construction and subjective theories behind everyday knowledge and the field of study (Flick 2006: 155). Their assumption was that interviewees are encouraged to express their perceptions and their reasoning behind certain topics in a natural manner if the interviewer provides a semi-structured question setting. Therefore one can reconstruct the subjective theories and views of the interviewee for the purpose of the study. The main elements of the semi-structured interview are open and confrontational questions. (see box 1) They offer the interviewee space to express their perception and knowledge. The confrontational question has a responsive function to the subjective theories offered by the interviewee and is asking a competing alternative to re-examine the opinions (ibid.: 156). An example for my research would be: (Text box 1) Another set of questions would be hypothesis-directed questions (see text box 2) which test scientific literature written about the research topic (ibid.). They give the interviewee the chance to become more explicit and help the interviewer to get the required information for the researched topic: (Text box 2) In specific: the Expert Interview The expert interview is a subcategory of the semi-structured interview. The approach of the dissertation questionnaire is to interview on the one hand service providers like victim support centre, crisis centres and NGOs that support the victim needs and rights. On the other hand it is an aim to speak to the Cambodian government which means in particular MP Mu Sochua of the Ministry of Womens and Veterans Affairs (MWVA). Here the interest is not so much the biographic background of the actual person but more the perception of the actual institution or the Cambodian Parliament about the research topic. The interviewees are seen as representatives for a certain group not as individuals (Flick 2006: 165). There are several research practical amenities for the expert interview. In an early exploration phase of a theoretical, less prestructured and informational less cross-linked research, the expert interview offers unrivalled dense data acquisition. This stands in contrast to the elaborate, cost and time-intensive accomplishment of participant observation, field study and systematic quantitative research (Bogner and Menz 2005: 7). It is recommended to choose expert interviews if a study field is hard or impossible to access especially when it comes to delicate issues like child sex trafficking and child prostitution. Beside the economic advantages and the chance to get information even about an awkward issue, another advantage is the facilitation of further field access when the expert refers to other colleagues and dialogue partners. It should also be noted out of a methodological view that a further benefit is that it is much easier to interview an expert as they usually have a higher linguistic competence which contributes directly to the analysis of the narrative. Hence, in an idealised conception, two academic socialised dialogue partners meet in this interview setting (ibid.: 8). To ensure validity of my research and to ascertain patterns of the construction of the victim of child sex trafficking, I intend to carry out 15-20 interviews with victim support centres, Human Rights NGOs who are concerned about child sex trafficking and government representatives (all in Phnom Penh). All institutions are contacted via email and telephone to arrange an appointment during my field trip in Cambodia and to offer them an outline of the research project which gives them the opportunity to prepare for the questions. I will use open-ended questions that give the interviewee space to present their perceptions and views. It also allows for the emergence of new topics that were not originally thought to be part of the interview. I will prepare 8 broad topics for the interviews that are formulated as broad questions and introduce them one after the other  [2]  . Depending on the interview course, I will specify the topics and ask in more detail to clarify vague formulations. 3.2. Limitations Whilst there are many advantages to this research design, there are also several limitations to the expert interview. Meuser and Nagel (2002:87) identify the expert might not always react as desired where their expertise may emerge as being limited and impede the interview process. Further, they identify the eventuality that the interviewee may not t participate in the question-answering game (Flick 2006:165) giving instead a speech to promote their knowledge and/or agenda. Whilst this can sometimes contribute to the research topic, it can also digress from the point and make it difficult to return to the original question. Another potential weakness of expert interviews is that the interviewee can change roles from being an expert to being a private person. Whereby, the interview looses objectiveness and private/ personal perceptions and bias may interfere with the representation of the institution or expert knowledge (ibid.). To ensure reliability for this method it is crucial that the interviewee, here the expert, understands the research context and the questions fully. Bulmer and Warwick (1983) identify the difficulties of conducting social research in developing countries which gives this research proposal an interesting angle. It is widely recognised that the availability of social data in developing countries is limited. Existing data is often of poor quality and therefore of little use due to limited administrative capacity, lack of manpower and infrastructure (ibid.: 4-5). The validity might be restricted and misleading if one relies only on administrative sources. The Cambodian law enforcement agencies and administration are perceived as the most corrupt sector. The Global Corruption Barometer also shows that 70% of the citizens are likely to pay bribes to the police (Anti- Corruption Resource Centre 2009) which proves the normality and explicitness of corruption within the population. When it comes to delicate issues such as human trafficking high ranking Cambodian law enforcement official are believed to accept bribes to facilitate human trafficking and child prostitution (US Department of State Human Rights Report 2006). A revealing example for corruption compliance within sex trafficking is the former Deputy Director of the Police Anti-Human Trafficking and Juvenile Department and two officials under his supervision were convicted and imprisoned for facilitating human trafficking (Anti- Corruption Resource Centre 2009). Due to the ubiquity of corr uption, corruption this must be recognised within my research and considered when seeking out NGOs, who can offer a different picture of the reality throughout their mandate, their reports and research. With this considering and an awareness of these potential difficulties and obstacles within the interview process, a valid data collection can be better guaranteed. If one does so, the expert interview can be a very useful and powerful source to generate valid data. After weighing up the variety of pro and cons, the expert interview is an appropriate interview method for this research to provide an interpretative account of the concept a child sex trafficking victim. 3.3. Alternative Method: Problem-centered Interview (PCI) Initially the problem-centered interview (Witzel 1982; 1985) was considered as an appropriate interview method for my research question about construction of a victim. The principles of the problem-centred interview are to gather objective evidence on human behaviour as well as on subjective perceptions and ways of processing social reality (Witzel 2000:1). In this sense, the basic concern is the exploration of subjective cognition, approaches, motivation for actions and situation al interpretations. In contrast, the narrative interview (Hopf 2004: 206) is considered in this context to be inadequate because it produces a lot of material which leads to a huge data amount. Further, there should be no intervention in the process where the role of the interviewer is an attentive listener. This would be inappropriate considering the specific research questionnaire in mind and the given time frame. The problem-centered interview to large extent draws upon Glasers and Strausss (1967) theory generating method of the Grounded Theory. The primary reason for excluding this research method is the fact that it is a biographic focused interview where the biography and personal experiences of the interviewee are integral to the data generated. The expert knowledge of a certain field or of a particular organisation and expertise which mirrors the ideology of that institution is of more use than the biography of the expert and their personal motivations and views. Nevertheless, the research interest is to ascertain and interpret why the concept of the victim is constructed as described by the organisation experts and why it might differ from Western views of the child as a victim of sex trafficking. Therefore cultural and social constructions of realities have to be included. 3.4. Data analysis The reliability of this study will be maximised by transcribing all interviews conducted and building categories based on an initial reading of the transcripts. This process is described as coding (e.g. Flick 2006: 295 and Seale 2004: 306ff) which is based in based in grounded theory as discussed earlier  [3]  . Seale identifies that the purpose of coding qualitative data is to reduce large amounts of data and to develop and test out theories (2004: 313). The main challenging task for the researcher is to filter out comparisons and identify similarities and differences in the interview material. For my research I will use open coding which means the process of breaking down, examining, comparing, conceptualising and categorizing data (Strauss and Corbin 1990: 61). The coding strategy enables me to analyse the concepts of the victim of child sex trafficking, group them into categories and subsequently discuss them in depth. The last step of coding is a list of terms together with an explanatory text (Bà ¶hm 2004: 271). 3.5. Ethics in qualitative research Multiple ethical considerations arise throughout the research process for this dissertation. Starting from the research design and the appropriateness of certain methods to collecting data and further on to the point of analysing the gathered data. More recently there has been a paradigm shift from the ethical concerns in social research concerned with the ways in which participants are affected by the research to a more post-structuralist approach which includes the social world and the knowable and objective truth is uncovered by researchers (Ali and Kelly 2004: 116). A crucial influence in social research ethics comes from feminist researchers who emphasise [à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦] the role of power relations at all levels of knowledge production, from epistemology, through research relationships, to the dissemination of findings (ibid.). Research regarding child sex trafficking can be seen from the perspective of feminist research as it is a highly gendered topic. It is therefore crucia l to consider feminist research practices and its related ethical elements. A primary aim of feminist research is to contest and dispute the marginalised status of woman, and in this particular case vulnerable child, by representing their needs, perspectives and perceptions (Gillies and Alldred 2005: 39). There have been many controversies surrounding the role of the researcher in the production of knowledge about women and representing the Other (Wilkonson and Kitzinger 1996, in: Gillies and Alldred 2005: 39). The ethical concerns posed when carrying out research on trafficked children as such a vulnerable group are profound. I therefore consider it ethically unjustifiable to interview children about their experience with sexual exploitation within this short research period. Such an approach could potentially cause further distress to an already vulnerable and exploited subject group. As such, I have therefore decided against interviewing victims of trafficking and will conduct interviews exclusively with experts. Respect will be given to existing ethical precautions and regulations for social research whilst also acknowledging that an ethical practice will often comes down to the professional integrity of the individual researcher (Ali and Kelly 2004: 118). Translator difficulties A further challenge to potentially interviewing victims would be the requirement of a translator which can creates a multitude of problems: The dynamic can create a tense and unbalanced atmosphere for the victims to talk comfortably. There is a risk that the translator may not translate the verbatim accurately. Finally, interpretation of the language particulars of the victim is crucial to the data and therefore not understanding Khmer creates a large obstacle when reviewing the interview translations. This may be hard to overcome even with a translator. In consideration of this I decided to interview English speaking NGOs and government representatives. How generalisable will our results be to the sectors as a whole? 5. Timescale from 15th April to 2nd September Date 2010 Literature Review Contacts Questionnaire Design Fieldwork Cambodia Data Processing Data Analysis Write Report Submit Report April 15 * April 22 * April29 * * April 6 * * * May13 * * * May20 * * * May 27 * June 3 * * June 10 * June 17 * * June 24 * * July 1 * * July 8 * * July 15 * * July 22 * * July 29 * Aug 5 * * Aug 12 * * Aug 19 * Aug 26 * Sep 2 * Sep 9 * Sep 15 * (Bloch, A. (2010) Timescales for Research Project: The Professional Capacity of Nationals from the Somali Regions in the UK, Moodle City University, slides of lecture 6) 6. Bibliography Books and journal articles: Ali, S. and Kelly, M. (2004) Ethics and social research, in Seale, C. Researching Society and Culture. London [et al.]: Sage Publications. Archivantitkul, K. (1998) Trafficking in children for forced labour exploitation including child prostitution in the Mekong sub-region. Bangkok: ILO-IPEC. Asia Regional Cooperation to Prevent People Trafficking (2003) Gender, Human Trafficking and the Criminal Justice System in Cambodia http://wwww.humantrafficking.org/uploads/updates/gender_report_cambodia.pdf [accessed 7th April 2010]. Berger, P.L. and Luckmann, T. (1966) The Social Construction of Reality. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Bloch, A. (2010) Timescales for Research Project: The Professional Capacity of Nationals from the Somali Regions in the UK, Moodle City University, slides of lecture 6. Bogner, A., Menz, W. (2005) Expertenwissen und Forschungspraxis: die modernisierungstheoretische und die methodische Debatte um die Experten., in Das Experteninterview: Theorie, Methode, Anwendung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag FuÃÅ'ˆr Sozialwissenschaften. Bà ¶hm, A. (2004) Theoretical Coding: Text Analysis in Grounded Theory, in Flick et al A Companion to Qualitative Research. London[et al.]: Sage Publications. Bulmer, M., Warwick, D. (1983) Social Research in developing countries. Surveys and Censuses in the Third World. Chichester [West Sussex]: Wiley. Christie, N. (1986) The Ideal Victim, in Fattah, E.A. From Crime Policy to Victim Policy. Reorienting the justice system. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan. Flick, U., von Kardorff, E. and Steinke, I. (2004) A Companion to Qualitative Research. London [et al.]: Sage Publications. Flick, U. (2004) Constructivism, in Flick,U., von Kardorff, E. and Steinke, I. A Companion to Qualitative

Ancestral Influence in Hawthorne’s Writing

Ancestral Influence in Hawthorne’s Writing Can the sins of ancestors pass down upon the next generations? Hawthorne believed that it was possible and he expresses his beliefs through his writings. Hawthorne was well aware of his ancestral consequences of wrongdoings and he held the sense of guilt of his ancestor, so many of his writings were gothic, dark, and dealt with evils. Nathaniel Hawthorne’s historical background of living in Salem and his ancestral connection to Salem Witch Trial influenced him to question the fate of the family carrying the sin of past mistakes in his novel, the House of the Seven Gables.Nathaniel Hawthorne was born in Salem, Massachusetts, and he is the descendent of John Hawthorne, a judge of the Salem Witch trial. During the witch trials, hysteria and delusions clouded everyone’s eyes and unjust persecutions spread and killed many of the innocents. Judges at the times had the power to persecute the witches, however, the whole incident was a horrible delusion (Wright). This ancestral wrongdoing has hunted Hawthorne throughout his lives. Hawthorne lost his father from the yellow fever when he was four and his mother obliged to live with her parents because they were financially troubled.He lived very isolated because his mother kept herself isolated as well. Hawthorne believed that the depressing circumstances of their family were caused by the curse of victims from Salem Witch Trials (Hawthorne xvi). This belief of Hawthorne clearly is reflected in the characters of the House of the Seven Gables. Similar to Hawthorne, a Salem family of Pyncheons has believed and suffered from the curse passed down from Matthew Maule, an innocent victim of Colonel Pyncheon. He was accused of witchcraft and was executed due to the unjust claim of Colonel.Before Maule’s death, he proclaimed, â€Å"the God will give him blood to drink,† which came true shortly after when Colonel Pyncheon dies in the same manner as descr ibed by Maule. In the future generations, the decedents of Pyncheon family that have been living in the house was as if trapped in it, they were bonded with the house surrounded with dark aura. Colonel was a dark, wicked, greedy man and his decedents are haunted with the consequences and the evil deeds of their ancestors. Similar to the Salem Witch trials, greed and lies covered the sins of both crimes and it haunted to future generations. Hawthorne xvii). Both stories closely resemble each other because Hawthorne has been greatly influenced from his cultural background and ancestral histories. Both Hawthorne and Pyncheon were the descendent of the Puritan. Because Hawthorne is influenced greatly with the Puritan beliefs, the novel, The House of Seven Gables, is expressed with full of puritan ideals, curses, and sins (xiii). Hawthorne, from his view of the witch trials, also criticized that Puritans were too self-righteous and lacked of human heart (Hall).The setting for the novel w as taken place at Salem, where the House of the Seven Gables exists, and it was also was where Hawthorne was born and raised. Maule also came from the name, Thomas Maule, a criticizer of the witch trials. The House of the Seven Gables too, was actually molded from his cousin’s, Susannah Ingersoll, house in the Massachusetts. It is also an actual incident that occurred during the witch trial that one of the victims of witch trial, Sarah Good, had told Reverent Noyes, the sinful accuser, that, â€Å"if he took her life away, God would give him blood to drink! Many of the settings and characters were created from Hawthorne’s surrounding influences and people (Hawthorne xiii – xx). Hawthorne uses curses as to symbolism of his past and present, influencing in many of his writings. In the preface, he stated, â€Å"The wrong-doing of on generation lives into the successive ones, and divesting itself of every temporary advantage, becomes a pure and uncontrollable misc hief† (Chandler 46). He believed that the sins and evils have passed down from the past and is binding them from happiness.It is said that Hawthorne even changed the spelling of his name, possibly to escape the shameful act of his processors. His novels gives traits of Hawthorne’s will of retribution and search of the remorse for the past mistakes of his ancestors. In The House of Seven Gables, he exploits that the past sins can be transmitted through generations and that just like the physical traits, and how the cursed family struggles to overcome this problem (Hawthorne xv-xvi). Hawthorne, in his novels, describes themes of the psychological moral struggles people go through in their existence.There was a moment in the book where Hawthorne showed the slight hope in concurring the sinful past. It was when a young man called Holgrave tells Pheobe Pyncheon about a story of Maule who intended to control Alice Pyncheon, a beautiful innocent girl, for the sake of his ances tor’s revenge. Maule hiponized Alice and gained control of her, but in the end, his action led Alice into death, and Maule greatly regretted his action. As he finish telling the story, the atmosphere they had was similar of what was in the story; Holgrave had the power to control Pheobe because she was almost hypnotized situation by his stories.However, despite his longing and awkward relationship with Pyncheons, Holgrave chose the way to love and care for Pheobe instead of controlling her with his power. This progress, Hawthorne showed that it was possible to break and escape from the bond of the evil doings of their ancestors (Bell). In the end of the novel, Pheobe Pyncheon, a member of Pyncheon family, Holgrave, a descendent of Thomas Maule, falls in love. This was the moment when the curse of the Pyncheon was lifted from all the characters in the book.They got married and it will be a great progress to get over then coincidence between Matthew Maule and Alice Pyncheon. Fr om this passage, Hawthorne probably believed that the curse of ancestral sins and evils can be cured by the love and forgiving of the people. It is perhaps his marriage with Sophia Peabody and his love for her that led him thinking less of the deception of his ancestor and which led him to write the happy ending for the novel (Hawthorne 263-276). The novel ended with atonement and start of restoring the love that was lacked in the house (Brodhead 70).In the House of the Seven Gables, Nathaniel Hawthorne discusses the influence of ancestral consequences of wrongdoing upon the future generation. Hawthorne felt guilt and responsibility from the sins of his ancestors, and was haunted by them throughout his life. He believed that the sins will pass on through generations and he wrote this novel with this theme in his mind. However, the novel ended with happy ending where people found love that overcomes the hate and evil of the dark historical sins.

Effect Of An Augmented Reality Enhanced Mathematics Lesson...

This research article, titled, The Effect of an Augmented Reality Enhanced Mathematics Lesson on Student Achievement and Motivation by Anne Estapa and Larysa Nadolny from Iowa State University, was written with the goal of examining more closely the effect of Augmented Reality-based lessons on student achievement and student motivation in a high school math class. Investigating this question is important because with more and more available technology to use in the classroom, it is essential to examine the effectiveness of it and not implement a certain tool to have technology for technology’s sake. The article discusses in depth the achievement levels and motivations of students who participated in a high school math lesson that involved the use of Augmented Reality, or AR, to reinforce the concept of dimensional analysis. In the article, AR is described as an ideal tool for the mathematics classroom because AR can facilitate things such as â€Å"manipulation, visualizations , and authentic contexts†. Another benefit is that to increase motivation, the researchers used real-world situations which is easier to fabricate with the use of technology, especially because of the prevalence of technology in almost every moment of a person’s life today. Although the researchers are seemingly seeking to confirm their belief that Augmented Reality is a useful classroom tool for technical mathematics, they are quick to point out that a good classroom is comprised of a clear distinction of

Tiwanaku Empire - City, Imperial State at Lake Titicaca

The Tiwanaku Empire (also spelled Tiahuanaco or Tihuanacu) was one of the first imperial states in South America, dominating portions of what is now southern Peru, northern Chile, and eastern Bolivia for approximately four hundred years (AD 550-950). The capital city, also called Tiwanaku, was located on the southern shores of Lake Titicaca, on the border between Bolivia and Peru. Tiwanaku Basin Chronology The city of Tiwanaku emerged as a major ritual-political center in the southeastern Lake Titicaca Basin as early as the Late Formative/Early Intermediate period (100 BC-AD 500), and expanded greatly in extent and monumentality during the later part of the period. After 500 AD, Tiwanaku was transformed into an expansive urban center, with far-flung colonies of its own. Tiwanaku I (Qalasasaya), 250 BC-AD 300, Late FormativeTiwanaku III (Qeya), AD 300-475Tiwanaku IV (Tiwanaku Period), AD 400-800, Andean Middle HorizonTiwanaku V, AD 800-1150hiatus Inca Empire, AD 1400-1532 Tiwanaku City The capital city of Tiwanaku lies in the high river basins of the Tiwanaku and Katari rivers, at altitudes between 3,800 and 4,200 meters (12,500-13,880 feet) above sea level. Despite its location at such a high altitude, and with frequent frosts and thin soils, perhaps as many as 20,000 people lived in the city at its heyday. During the Late Formative period, the Tiwanaku Empire was in direct competition with the Huari empire, located in central Peru. Tiwanaku style artifacts and architecture have been discovered throughout the central Andes, a circumstance that has been attributed to imperial expansion, dispersed colonies, trading networks, a spread of ideas or a combination of all these forces. Crops and Farming The basin floors where Tiwanaku city was built were marshy and flooded seasonally because of snow melt from the Quelcceya ice cap. The Tiwanaku farmers used this to their advantage, constructing elevated sod platforms or raised fields on which to grow their crops, separated by canals. These raised agricultural field systems stretched the capacity of the high plains to allow for protection of crops through frost and drought periods. Large aqueducts were also constructed at satellite cities such as Lukurmata and Pajchiri. Because of the high elevation, crops grown by the Tiwanaku were limited to frost-resistant plants such as potatoes and quinoa. Llama caravans brought maize and other trade goods up from lower elevations. The Tiwanaku had large herds of domesticated alpaca and llama  and hunted wild guanaco and vicuà ±a. Stone Work Stone was of primary importance to Tiwanaku identity: although the attribution is not certain, the city may have been called Taypikala (Central Stone) by its residents. The city is characterized by elaborate, impeccably carved and shaped stonework in its buildings, which are a striking blend of yellow-red-brown locally-available in its buildings, which are a striking blend of yellow-red-brown locally-available sandstone, and greenish-bluish volcanic andesite from farther away. Recently, Janusek and colleagues have argued that the variation is tied to a political shift at Tiwanaku. The earliest buildings, constructed during the Late Formative period, were principally built of sandstone. Yellowish to reddish brown sandstones were used in architectural revetments, paved floors, terrace foundations, subterranean canals, and a host of other structural features. Most of the monumental stelae, which depict personified ancestral deities and animate natural forces, are also made of sandstone. Recent studies have identified the location of the quarries in the foothills of the Kimsachata mountains, southeast of the city. The introduction of bluish to greenish gray andesite happens at the start of the Tiwanaku period (AD 500-1100), at the same time as Tiwanaku began to expand its power regionally. Stoneworkers and masons began to incorporate the heavier volcanic rock from more distant ancient volcanoes and igneous outgroups, recently identified at mounts Ccapia and Copacabana in Peru. The new stone was denser and harder, and the stonemasons used it to build on a larger scale than before, including large pedestals and trilithic portals. In addition, the workers replaced some sandstone elements in the older buildings with new andesite elements. Monolithic Stelae Present at Tiwanaku city and other Late Formative centers are stelae, stone statues of personages. The earliest are made of reddish-brown sandstone. Each of these early ones depicts a single anthropomorphic individual, wearing distinctive facial ornaments or painting. The persons arms are folded across his or her chest, with one hand sometimes placed over the other. Beneath the eyes are lightning bolts; and the personages are wearing minimal clothing, consisting of a sash, skirt, and headgear. The early monoliths are decorated with sinuous living creatures such as felines and catfish, often rendered symmetrically and in pairs. Scholars suggest that these might represent images of a mummified ancestor. Later, about 500 AD, the stelae change in style. These later stelae are carved from andesite, and the persons depicted have impassive faces and wear elaborately woven tunics, sashes, and headgear of elites. The people in these carvings have three-dimensional shoulders, head, arms, legs, and feet. They often hold equipment associated with the use of hallucinogens: a kero vase full of fermented chicha and a snuff tablet for hallucinogenic resins. There is more variations of dress and body decoration among the later stelae, including face markings and hair tresses, which may represent individual rulers or dynastic family heads; or different landscape features and their associated deities. Scholars believe these represent living ancestral hosts rather than mummies. Trade and Exchange After about 500 AD, there is clear evidence that Tiwanaku established a pan-regional system of multi-community ceremonial centers in Peru and Chile. The centers had terraced platforms, sunken courts and a set of religious paraphernalia in what is called Yayamama style. The system was connected back to Tiwanaku by trading caravans of llamas, trading goods such as maize, coca, chili peppers, plumage from tropical birds, hallucinogens, and hardwoods. The diasporic colonies endured for hundreds of years, originally established by a few Tiwanaku individuals but also supported by in-migration. Radiogenic strontium and oxygen isotope analysis of the Middle Horizon Tiwanaku colony at Rio Muerto, Peru, found that a small number of the people buried at Rio Muerto were born elsewhere and traveled as adults. Scholars suggest they may have been interregional elites, herders, or caravan drovers. Collapse of Tiwanaku After 700 years, the Tiwanaku civilization disintegrated as a regional political force. This happened about 1100 AD, and resulted, at least one theory goes, from the effects of climate change, including a sharp decrease in rainfall. There is evidence that the groundwater level dropped and the raised field beds failed, leading to a collapse of agricultural systems in both the colonies and the heartland. Whether that was the sole or most important reason for the end of the culture is debated. Archaeological Ruins of Tiwanaku Satellites and Colonies Bolivia: Lukurmata, Khonkho Wankane, Pajchiri, Omo, Chiripa, Qeyakuntu, Quiripujo, Juchuypampa Cave, Wata Wata Chile: San Pedro de Atacama Peru: Chan Chan, Rio Muerto, Omo Sources The best source for detailed Tiwanaku information has to be Alvaro Higuerass Tiwanaku and Andean Archaeology. Baitzel SI, and Goldstein PS. 2014. More than the sum of its parts: Dress and social identity in a provincial Tiwanaku child burial. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 35:51-62.Becker SK, and Alconini S. 2015. Head Extraction, Interregional Exchange, and Political Strategies of Control at the Site of Wata Wata, Kallawaya Territory, Bolivia, during the Transition between the Late Formative and Tiwanaku Periods (A.D. 200-800). Latin American Antiquity 26(1):30-48.Hu D. 2017. War or peace? Assessing the rise of the Tiwanaku state through projectile-point analysis. Lithics: The Journal of the Lithic Studies Society 37:84-86.Janusek JW. 2016. Processions, Ritual Movements, and the Ongoing Production of Pre-Columbian Societies, with a Perspective from Tiwanaku. Processions in the Ancient Americas: Occasional Papers in Anthropology at Penn State 33(7).Janusek JW, Williams PR, Golitko M, and Aguirre CL. 2013. Building Taypikala: Telluric Transformations in the Lithic Production of Tiwana ku. In: Tripcevich N, and Vaughn KJ, editors. Mining and Quarrying in the Ancient Andes: Springer New York. p 65-97.Knudson KJ, Gardella KR, and Yaeger J. 2012. Provisioning Inka feasts at Tiwanaku, Bolivia: the geographic origins of camelids in the Pumapunku complex. Journal of Archaeological Science 39(2):479-491.Knudson KJ, Goldstein PS, Dahlstedt A, Somerville A, and Schoeninger MJ. 2014. Paleomobility in the Tiwanaku Diaspora: Biogeochemical analyses at Rio Muerto, Moquegua, Peru. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 155(3):405-421.Niemeyer HM, Salazar D, Tricallotis HH, and Peà ±a-Gà ³mez FT. 2015. New Insights into the Tiwanaku Style of Snuff Trays from San Pedro de Atacama, Northern Chile. Latin American Antiquity 26(1):120-136.Somerville AD, Goldstein PS, Baitzel SI, Bruwelheide KL, Dahlstedt AC, Yzurdiaga L, Raubenheimer S, Knudson KJ, and Schoeninger MJ. 2015. Diet and gender in the Tiwanaku colonies: Stable isotope analysis of human bone collagen and apatite from Moquegua, Peru. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 158(3):408-422.

Study Outline for Chapter 3 Federalism - 1301 Words

Sï » ¿tudy Outline Chapter 3: Federalism I. Governmental structure A. Federalism: good or bad? A.1. Definition: political system with local governmental units, in addition to national one, that can make final decisions A.2. Examples of federal governments: Canada, India, and Germany A.3. Examples of unitary governments: France, Great Britain, and Italy A.4. Special protection of subnational governments in federal system is the result of: A.4.a. Constitution of country A.4.b. Habits, preferences, and dispositions of citizens A.4.c. Distribution of political power in society A.5. National government largely does not govern individuals directly but gets states to do so in keeping with national policy A.6. Negative views: block†¦show more content†¦Conditions of aid tell a state government what it must do to obtain grant money A.3.b. Mandates tell state governments what to do, in some instances even when they do not receive grant money B. B. Mandates B.1. Most concern civil rights and environmental protection B.2. Administrative and financial problems often result B.3. Growth in mandates, 1981 to 1991 B.4. Features of mandates B.4.a. Regulatory statutes and amendments of previous legislation B.4.b. New areas of federal involvement B.4.c. Considerable variation in clarity, administration, and costs B.5. 1Additional costs imposed on the states through: B.5.a. Federal tax and regulatory schemes B.5.b. Federal laws exposing states to financial liability B.6. 6. Federal courts have fueled the growth of mandates B.6.a. Interpretations of the Tenth Amendment have eased flow of mandates B.6.b. Court orders and prisons, school desegregation, busing, hiring practices, police brutality C. Conditions of aid C.1. Received by states voluntarily, in theory C.1.a. Financial dependence blurs the theory C.1.b. b. Civil rights generally the focus of most important conditions in the 1960s, a proliferation has continued since the 1970s C.1.c. c. 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Fluke, or, I Know Why the Winged Whale Sings Chapter 27~28 Free Essays

CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN The Found World The whale ship opened its mouth, and Nate and the crew spilled out onto the shore like sentient drool, which was some coincidence, since that’s exactly what lay beneath the hard shell of the landing. They were met by a group of whaley boys, one of whom handed Nate a pair of Nikes, then went off to trade clicks and squeals and greeting rubs with the returning crew. It was so bright after nearly ten days in the whale ship that Nate couldn’t immediately tell what was happening. We will write a custom essay sample on Fluke, or, I Know Why the Winged Whale Sings Chapter 27~28 or any similar topic only for you Order Now The rest of the human crew were wearing sunglasses as they sat down on the ground to put on their shoes, only a few feet from the ship’s mouth. From the rigid feel of the ground, Nate thought they might be on a dock of some kind, but then Cal Burdick took off his own sunglasses and handed them to Nate. â€Å"Go ahead. I’ve been looking at all of this for a lot of years, but I think you’ll find it interesting.† With the dark glasses, Nate was able to see. His eyes were fine, but his mind was having a hard time processing what they were telling him. It was as light as daylight (on an overcast day, at least), but they were not outdoors. They were inside a grotto so immense that Nate could not even make out the edges of it. A dozen stadiums could have fit inside the space and still left room for a state fair, a casino, and the Vatican if you snipped off a basilica or two. The entire ceiling was a source of light, cold light, it appeared – some sections yellow, some blue – great blotches of light in irregular shapes, as if Jackson Pollock had painted a solar storm across the ceiling. Half of the grotto was water, flat and reflective as a mirror, the smoothness broken by small whaley boys porpoising here and there in groups of five and six, their blowholes sending up synchronized blasts of steam every few yards. Whaley kids, he thought. Fifty or so whale ships of different spec ies pulled up to the shore, their crews coming and going. Huge segmented pipes that looked like giant earthworms were attached to each of the ships, one on each side of the head, and ran off to connections on shore. The ground – the ground was red, and as hard as linoleum, polished, yet not quite shiny. It ran out for hundreds of yards, perhaps over a mile, and appeared to continue halfway up the walls of the immense grotto. Nate could see openings in the walls, oval passages or doorways or tunnels or something. From the size of the people and whaley boys passing in and out, he could tell that some of the openings were perhaps thirty feet around, while others seemed only the size of normal doors. There were windows next to some of the smaller ones – or what he guessed were windows – their shapes all curves and slopes. There wasn’t a right angle in the grotto. Hundreds of people moved about amid as many whaley boys, maintaining the ships, moving supp lies and equipment on what seemed very normal hand trucks and carts. â€Å"Where in the hell are we?† Nate said, nearly wrenching his neck trying to look at all of it at once. â€Å"I mean, what in the hell is this?† â€Å"Pretty amazing,† Cal said. â€Å"I like to watch people when they see Gooville for the first time.† Nate ran his hand over the ground, or floor, or whatever this surface was they were sitting on. â€Å"What is this stuff?† It appeared smooth, but it had texture, pores, a hidden roughness, like stoneware or – â€Å"It’s living carapace. Like a lobster shell. This whole place is living, Nate. Everything – the ceiling, the floor, the walls, the passageway in from the sea, our homes – it’s all one huge organism. We call it the Goo.† â€Å"The Goo. Then this is Gooville?† â€Å"Yes,† Cal said, with a big smile that revealed perfect teeth. â€Å"And that would make you?† â€Å"That’s right. The Goos. There’s a wonderful Seussian logic to it, don’t you think?† â€Å"I can’t think, Cal. You know how all your life you hear people talk about things that are mind-boggling? It’s just a meaningless clich – a hyperbole – like saying that you’re wasted or that something is bloodcurdling?† â€Å"Yep.† â€Å"Well, I’m boggled. I’m totally boggled.† â€Å"You thought the ships were impressive, huh?† â€Å"Yeah, but this? One living organism shaped itself into this complex†¦ what? System? I’m boggled.† â€Å"Imagine how the bacteria who live in your intestinal tract feel about you.† â€Å"Well, right now I think they’re pissed off at me.† A group of whaley boys was gathering about ten yards away from them, pointing at Nate and snickering. â€Å"They’re coming down to check out the newcomer. Don’t be surprised if you get rubbed up against in the streets. They’re just saying hi.† â€Å"Streets?† â€Å"We call them streets. They’re sort of streets.† Now, out of the dim yellow light of the whale ships, Nate realized that there was a wide variety in the whaley boys’ coloring. Some were actually mottled blue, like the skin of a blue whale, while others were black like a pilot whale, or light gray like a minke whale. Some even had the black-on-white coloring of killers and Pacific white-sided dolphins, while a few here and there were stark white like a beluga. The body shapes of all were very similar, differing only in size, with the killer whaley boys, who were taller by a foot and heavier by perhaps a hundred pounds, having jaws twice the width of the others’. He also noticed in the brighter light that he was the only human who had a tan. The people, even Cal and the crew, looked healthy; it just appeared that none of them had ever seen the sun. Like the British. Nuà ±ez came over and helped Cal, and then Nate, to his feet. â€Å"How’re the shoes?† she asked Nate. â€Å"They’re strange after not wearing any for so long.† â€Å"You’ll be wobbly for a few hours, too. You’ll feel the motion when you stand still for a day or so. No different from having been at sea in normal ship. I’ll take you to your new quarters, show you around a little, get you settled in. The Colonel will probably send for you before too long. People will help you out, humans and whaley boys. They’ll all know you’re new.† â€Å"How many, Cielle?† â€Å"Humans? Almost five thousand live here. Whaley boys, maybe half that many.† â€Å"Where is here? Where are we?† â€Å"I told him about Gooville,† said Cal. Nuà ±ez looked up at Nate and then pulled her sunglasses down on her nose so he could see her eyes. â€Å"Don’t freak out on me, huh?† Nate shook his head. What did she think, that whatever she was going to tell him was going to be weirder, grander, or scarier than what he’d seen already? â€Å"The roof above this ceiling – which is thick rock, although we’re not exactly sure how thick – anyway, it’s around six hundred feet below the surface of the Pacific Ocean. We’re about two hundred miles off the coast of Chile, under the continental shelf. In fact, we came in through a cliff in the continental rise, a cliff face. â€Å"We’re six hundred feet underwater right now. The pressure?† â€Å"We came in through a very long tunnel, a series of pressure locks that pass the ships along until we’re at surface pressure. I would have shown you as we came through, but I didn’t want to wake you.† â€Å"Yeah, thanks for that.† â€Å"Let’s get you to your new house. We’ve got a long walk ahead of us.† She headed away from the water, motioning for him to follow. Nate nearly stumbled trying to look back at the whale ships lining the harbor. Tim caught him by the arm. â€Å"It’s a lot to take in. People really have freaked out. You just have to accept that the Goo won’t let anything bad happen to you. The rest is simply a series of surprises. Like life.† Nate looked into the younger man’s dark eyes to see if there was any irony showing there, but he was as open and sincere as a bowl of milk. â€Å"The Goo will take care of me?† â€Å"That’s right,† said Tim, helping him along toward the grotto wall, toward the actual village of Gooville, with its organically shaped doorways and windows, its knobs and nodules, its lobster-shell pathways, its whaley-boy pods working together or playing in the water, where was housed an entire village of what Nate assumed were all happy human wackjobs. After two days of looking for meaning in hash marks on waveforms and ones and ohs on legal pads that were hastily typed into the machine, Kona found a surfer/hacker on the North Shore named Lolo who agreed to write it all into a Linux routine in exchange for Kona’s old long board and a half ounce of the dankest nugs[1]. â€Å"Won’t he just take cash?† asked Clay. â€Å"He’s an artist,† explained Kona. â€Å"Everyone has cash.† â€Å"I don’t know what I’m going to put that under for the accountant.† â€Å"Nugs, dank?† Clay looked forlornly at the legal-pad pages piling up on the desk next to where Margaret Painborne was typing. He handed a roll of bills over to Kona. â€Å"Go. Buy nugs. Bring him back. Bring back my change.† â€Å"I’m throwing in my board for the cause,† said Kona. â€Å"I could use some time in the mystic myself.† â€Å"Do you want me to tell Auntie Clair that you tried to extort me?† Clay had taken to using Clair as a sort of sword of Damocles/assistant principal/evil dominatrix threat over Kona, and it seemed to work swimmingly. â€Å"Must blaze, brah. Cool runnings.† Suddenly something sparked in Clay’s head, a dj vu trigger snapping electric with connections. â€Å"Wait, Kona.† The surfer paused in the doorway, turned. â€Å"The first day you came here, the day that Nate sent you to the lab to get the film – did you actually do it?† Kona shook his head, â€Å"Nah, boss, the Snowy Biscuit see me going. She say keep the money and she go to the lab. When I come back with my ganja, she give me the pictures to give to Nate.† â€Å"I was sort of afraid of that,† Clay said. â€Å"Go, blaze, be gone. Get what we need.† So three days later they all stood watching as Lolo hit the return key and the subsonic waveform from a blue-whale call began scrolling across the bottom of the screen, while above it letters were transcribed from the data. Lolo was a year older than Kona, a Japanese-American burned nut brown by the sun with ducky-yellow minidreads and a tapestry of Maori tattoos across his back and shoulders. Lolo spun in the chair to face them. â€Å"I mixed down a fifty-minute trance track with sixty percussion loops that was way harder than this.† Lolo’s prior forays into sound processing had been as a computer DJ at a dance club in Honolulu. â€Å"It’s not saying anything,† said Libby Quinn. â€Å"It’s just random, Clay.† â€Å"Well, that’s the way it’s gone so far, right?† â€Å"But there’s been nothing since that first day.† â€Å"We knew that might happen, that there couldn’t be messages on all of them. We just have to find the right ones.† Libby’s eyes were pleading. â€Å"Clay, it’s a short season. We have to get out in the field. Now that you have this program, you don’t need the manpower. Margaret and I will bring back more tapes – we have them coming in from people we trust – but we can’t afford to blow off the season.† â€Å"And we need to go public with the torpedo range,† Margaret added, less sympathetic than Libby had been. Clay nodded and looked at his bare feet against the hardwood floor. He took a deep breath, and when he looked up, he smiled. â€Å"You’re right. But don’t just blow a whistle and hope someone will notice. Cliff Hyland told me that the diving data was the only thing they were worried about. You’re going to need proof that humpbacks dive close to the bottom of the channel, or the navy will claim that you’re just being whale buggers and there’s no danger to the animals. Even with the range.† â€Å"You’re okay if we go public, then?† asked Libby. â€Å"People are going to know about the torpedo range soon enough. I don’t think that’s dangerous for you. Just don’t say anything about the rest of this, okay?† The two women looked at each other, then nodded. â€Å"We have to go,† Libby said. â€Å"We’ll call you, Clay. We’re not running out on you.† â€Å"I know,† Clay said. After they left, Clay turned to the two surfers. Thirty years working with the best scientists and divers in the world, and this was what it came down to: two stoner kids. â€Å"If you guys need to go do things, I understand.† â€Å"Outta here,† said Lolo, on his feet and bounding toward the door. Clay looked at the screen where Lolo had been sitting. Scrolling across it: WILL ARRIVE GV APPRX 1300 MONDAY__HAVE__SIZE 11 SNEAKERS WAITING FOR QUINN__END MSS__AAAA__BAXYXABUDAB. â€Å"Get him back,† Clay said to Kona. â€Å"We need to know which tape this was.† â€Å"Libby gave them all to him.† â€Å"I know that. I need to know where she got it. Where and when it was recorded. Call Libby’s cell phone. See if you can get hold of her.† Clay was trying to make the screen print before the message scrolled away. â€Å"How the hell does this thing work?† â€Å"How you know I’m not leaving?† â€Å"You woke up this morning, Kona. Did you have a reason to get out of bed other than waves or pot?† â€Å"Yah, mon, need to find Nate.† â€Å"How’d that feel?† â€Å"I’m calling Libby, boss.† â€Å"Loyalty is important, son. I’ll go catch Lolo. Confirm which tape it was.† â€Å"Shut up, boss. I’m trying to dial.† Behind them the cryptic message scrolled out of the printer. CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT Single-Celled Animal Stockholm syndrome or not, Nate was starting to get tired of the whole hippie-commune, everything-is-wonderful-and-the-Goo-will-provide attitude. Nuà ±ez had come by for three days running to take him out on the town, and every person he met was just a little too damn satisfied with the whole idea that they were living inside a giant organism six hundred feet under the ocean. Like this was a normal thing. Like he just wasn’t getting with the program because he continued to ask questions. At least the whaley boys would blow wet raspberries at him and snicker as he walked by. At least they had some sense of the absurdity of all this, despite the fact that they shouldn’t even have existed in the first place, which did seem to be a large point of denial on their part. They’d installed him in what he guessed was a premier apartment, or what you’d call an apartment, on the second floor, looking out over the grotto. The windows were oval, and the glass in them, although perfectly clear, was flexible. It was like looking out on the world through a condom, and that was just the beginning of the things that creeped him out about this place. He had a kitchen sink, a bathroom sink, and a shower – all of which had big honking sphincters in the bottom of them – and the seal on the door around his refrigerator, if that’s what you called it, appeared to be made out of slugs, or at least something that left an iridescent slime on you if you brushed up against it. There was also a toothed garbage disposal in the kitchen, which he wouldn’t even go near. The worst of it was that the apartment didn’t make any attempt to conceal that it was alive. His first day there, when the human crew from the whale ship had come by for a drink – a housewarming – there had been a scaly knob on the wall by the front door that when pushed would cause the door to open. After the crew left and Nate returned from his shower, the doorknob had healed over. There was a scar there in the shell, but that was all. Nate was locked in. There was a tom-tom thrumming of stones hitting his front picture window. Nate went to the window, looked out on the vast grotto and harbor, then down on the source of his torment. A pod of whaley-boy kids was winging stones at his window. Thump, thump-a, thump. The stones bounced off, leaving no mark. When Nate appeared at the window, the thumping became more furious, as the whaley kids picked up the pace and aimed right at him, as if a well-placed shot might drop him in a dunking tank. â€Å"There’s a reason cetaceans don’t have hands in the real world!† Nate screamed at them. â€Å"You are that reason! You little freaks!† Thump, thump-a, thump, thump, clack. Occasionally a missed throw hit the shell-like frame of the window, sounding like a marble hitting tile. I sound like Old Man Spangler yelling at my brother and me for raiding his apple trees, Nate thought. When did I turn into that guy? I don’t want to be that guy. There was a soft knock on the shell of his front door. As he turned, the door flipped open like shutters, two pieces of shell retracting on muscles hidden in the wall. Nate felt like a surprised box turtle. Cielle Nuà ±ez stood in the doorway with canvas shopping bags folded under her arm. She was a pleasant woman, attractive, competent, and non-threatening; Nate was sure that’s why she’d been chosen to be his guide. â€Å"You ready to do some shopping, Nate? I called to tell you I was coming, but you didn’t answer.† The apartment had a speaking apparatus, a sort of ornate tube thing that whistled and buzzed green metallic beetle wings when there was a call. Nate was afraid of it. â€Å"Cielle, can we drop any pretense that we are just buddies out for the day? You lock me in here when you leave.† â€Å"For your own safety.† â€Å"Somehow that always seems to be the argument the jailer uses.† â€Å"You want to go get some food and clothes or not?† Nate shrugged and followed her out the door. They walked along the perimeter of the grotto, which seemed a cross between an old English village and an Art Nouveau hobbit housing project: irregularly shaped doors and windows looking into shops that displayed baked goods and other prepared foods. Evidently the Goo wasn’t big on having fire around for home cooking. All the cooked foods were prepared somewhere else in the complex. There was a warming cabinet in Nate’s apartment that looked like a breadbox made out of a giant armadillo shell. It worked great. You rolled the top open, put the food in, then promptly lost your appetite. â€Å"Let’s get you something to wear today,† Cielle said. â€Å"Those khakis are on loan. Only the whale-ship crews are supposed to wear them.† As they walked, a half dozen whaley kids followed them, chirping and giggling all the way. â€Å"So I’d get in trouble if I started kicking whaley kids down the street?† â€Å"Of course,† Cielle laughed. â€Å"We have laws here, just like anywhere else.† â€Å"Evidently not ones that forbid kidnapping and unjustified imprisonment.† Nuà ±ez stopped and grabbed his arm. â€Å"Look, what are you complaining about? This is a good place to be. You’re not being mistreated. Everyone’s been kind to you. What’s the problem?† â€Å"What’s the problem? The problem is that all you people were yanked out of your lives, taken away from your families and friends, taken from everything that you knew, and you all act like it doesn’t bother you in the least. Well, it bothers me, Cielle. It fucking bothers me a lot. And I don’t understand this whole colony, or city, or whatever this thing is. How does it even exist without anyone knowing about it? In all these years, why has no one gotten out and spoiled the secret of this place?† â€Å"I told you, we were all going to drown –  » â€Å"Bullshit. I don’t buy that for a second. That gratitude toward your rescuer only lasts for a short while. I’ve seen it. It doesn’t take over your life. Everyone I’ve met is blissed out. You people worship the Goo, don’t you?† â€Å"Nate, you don’t want to be locked in, you won’t be locked in. You can have the run of Gooville – go anywhere you want. There’s hundreds of miles of passages. Some of them even I haven’t seen. Go. Leave the grotto and go down any one of those passages. But you know what? You’ll be back looking for your apartment tonight. You are not a prisoner, you’re just living in a different place and a different way.† â€Å"You didn’t answer my question.† â€Å"The Goo is the source, Nate. You’ll see. The Colonel – ; â€Å"Fuck the Colonel. The Colonel is a fucking myth.† â€Å"Should we get some coffee? You seem grumpy.† â€Å"Damn it, Cielle, my caffeine headache is not relevant.† Actually it was, sort of. He hadn’t had any coffee today. â€Å"Besides, how do I know it’s coffee we’re drinking? It’s probably some mutant sea otter/coffee bean hybrid beverage.† â€Å"Is that what you want?† â€Å"No, that’s not what I want. What I want is a doorknob. And not an organic nodule thing – I want a dead doorknob. One that always has been dead, too. Not something that you used to be friends with.† Cielle Nuà ±ez had backed away from him several feet, and the whaley kids who’d been following them had quieted down and gone into a defensive pod formation, the big kids on the outside. People who were out walking, and who normally made a point of nodding and smiling as they passed, took a wide detour around Nate. There was an inordinate amount of whistling among the milling whaley boys. â€Å"That going to do it for you?† Nu;ez asked. â€Å"A doorknob. I get you a doorknob, you’re a happy man?† Why should he be embarrassed? Because he’d scared the kids? Because he’d made his captors uncomfortable? Nevertheless, he was embarrassed. â€Å"I could use some earplugs, too, if you have them. For sleeping.† For ten hours out of twenty-four, the grotto went dark. Cielle explained that this was for the comfort of the humans, to help them keep some semblance of their normal circadian rhythms. People needed day and night – without the change many people couldn’t sleep. The problem was, the whaley boys didn’t sleep. They rested, but they didn’t sleep. So when the grotto went dark, they went on about their business. In the dark, however, they were all constantly emitting sonar clicks. At night the grotto sounded like it was being marched upon by an army of tap dancers. Consequently, so did Nate’s apartment. Nu;ez nodded. â€Å"We can probably do that. You want to go get a steaming hot cup of sea otter now?† â€Å"What?† â€Å"I’m just kidding. Lighten up, Nate.† â€Å"I want to go home.† He’d said it before he even realized it. â€Å"That’s not going to happen. But I’ll send word. I think it’s time you met with the Colonel.† They spent the day going to shops. Nate found some cotton slacks that fitted him, some socks and underwear, and a pile of T-shirts from one tiny shop. There was no currency exchanged. Nuà ±ez would just nod to the shopkeeper, and Nate would take what he needed. There was little variety in any of the shops, and most of what they carried was goods from the real world: clothes, fabric, books, razor blades, shoes, and small electronics. But a few shops carried items that appeared to have been grown or made right there in Gooville: toothbrushes, soaps, lotions. All the packaging seemed to come out of the seventeenth century – the shopkeepers wrapped parcels in a ubiquitous oilcloth that Nate thought smelled vaguely of seaweed and indeed had the same olive color as giant kelp. Patrons brought their own jars to carry oils, pickles, and other soft goods. Nate had seen everything from a modern mayonnaise jar to hand-thrown crockery that had to have been made a hundred years ago. â€Å"How long, Cielle?† he asked as he watched a shopkeeper count sugared dates into a hand-blown glass jar and seal it with wax. â€Å"How long have people been down here?† She followed his gaze to the jar. â€Å"We get a lot of the surface goods from shipwrecks, so don’t be impressed if you see antiques; the sea is a good preserver. We may have salvaged it only a week ago. A friend of mine keeps potatoes in a Grecian wine amphora that’s two thousand years old.† â€Å"Yeah, and I’m using the Holy Grail to catch my spare change. How long?† â€Å"You are so hostile today. I don’t know how long, Nate. A long time.† He had dozens, hundreds more questions, like where the hell did they get potatoes when they didn’t have sunlight to grow anything? They weren’t bringing potatoes up from a shipwreck. But Cielle was letting him get only so far before claiming ignorance. They had lunch at a four-stool lunch counter where the proprietor was a striking Irishwoman with stunning green eyes and a massive spill of red hair and who, like everyone, it seemed, knew Cielle and knew who Nate was. â€Å"Got you a Walkman then, Dr. Quinn? Whaley boys will drive you to drink with that sonar at night.† â€Å"We’re going to get him some earplugs today, Brennan,† Cielle said. â€Å"Music, that’s the way to wash the whaley-boy whistles,† the woman said. Then she was off to her kitchen. The walls of the cafe were decorated with a collection of antique beer trays, glued in place, as Nate had learned, with an adhesive that was similar to what barnacles secreted to fasten themselves to ships. Nailing things up was frowned upon, as the walls would bleed for a while if injured. Nate took a bite of his sandwich, meatballs and mozzarella on good crusty French bread. â€Å"How?† he asked Cielle, blowing crumbs on the counter. â€Å"How does any of this stuff get made if there’s no flame?† Cielle shrugged. â€Å"No idea. A bakery, I’d guess. They make all the prepared food outside the grotto. I’ve never been there.† â€Å"You don’t know how? How can that be?† Cielle Nuà ±ez put down her own sandwich and leaned on one elbow, smiling at Nate. She had remarkably kind eyes, and Nate had to remind himself that she had been ordered to be his friend. Interesting, he thought, that they’d choose a woman. Was she bait? â€Å"You ever read A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court, Nate?† â€Å"Of course, everybody does.† â€Å"And that guy goes back to Camelot from the late nineteenth century and dazzles everyone with his scientific knowledge, mainly because he can make gunpowder, right?† â€Å"Yes, so?† â€Å"You’re a scientist, so you might do better than most, but take your average citizen, a guy who works at a discount store, say. Drop him in the twelfth century, you know what he’ll achieve?† â€Å"Make your point?† â€Å"Death by bacterial infection, more than likely. And the last words on his lips will probably be, ‘There’s such a thing as an antibiotic, really. My point is, I don’t know how this stuff is made because I haven’t needed to know. Nobody knows how to make the things they use. I suppose I could find out and get back to you, but I promise you I’m not holding out on you just to be mysterious. We do a lot of salvage on the whale ships, and we have a trade network into the real world that gets us a lot of our goods. When a freighter leaves pallets of goods for the people on remote islands in the Pacific, all they know is that they’ve been paid and they’ve delivered to shore. They don’t stay to see who takes the goods away. The old-timers say that it used to be that the Goo provided everything. Nothing came in from the outside that wasn’t on their backs when they got here.† Nate took a bite of his sandwich and nodded as if considering what she’d just said. Since he’d arrived in Gooville, he had spent every waking moment thinking about two things: one, how this whole place could possibly function; and two, how to get out of it. The Goo had to get energy from somewhere. The energy to light the huge grotto alone would require tens of millions of calories. If it got energy from outside, maybe you could use that same pathway to get out. â€Å"So do you guys feed it? The Goo?† â€Å"No.† â€Å"Well, then-â€Å" â€Å"Don’t know, Nate. I just don’t know. How does dry-cleaning work?† â€Å"Well, I assume that they use solvents, that, uh – Look, biologists don’t have a lot of stuff that needs to be dry-cleaned. I’m sure it’s not that complicated a process.† â€Å"Yeah, well, right back at you on all of your questions about the Goo.† Cielle stood and gathered up her parcels. â€Å"Let’s go, Nate. I’m taking you back to your apartment. Then I’m going right to the whaley-boy den and find out if they can get the Colonel to see you. Today.† Nate still had a couple bites of his sandwich left. â€Å"Hey, I’ve still got a couple of bites of my sandwich left,† he said. â€Å"Really? Well, did you ask yourself where in Gooville we got meatballs? What sort of meat might be in them?† Nate dropped his sandwich. â€Å"Bit of the whining wussy boy, aren’t we?† said Brennan as she came out of the kitchen to take away their plates. Nate was reading a cheesy lawyer novel that he’d found in the small library in his apartment when the whaley boys came for him. There were three of them, two large males with killer-whale coloring and a smaller female blue. Only when the blue squeaked â€Å"Hi Nate† in a mashed-elf voice did he recognize it as Emily 7. â€Å"Wow, hi, Emily. Is just Emily okay, or should I always say the Seven?† Nate always felt awkward with someone afterward, even if there wasn’t anything for the ward to be after. She crossed her arms over her chest and bugged out her left eye at him. â€Å"Okay,† Nate said, moving on, â€Å"I guess we’ll be going, then. Did you see my new doorknob? Brand-new. Stainless steel. I realize it doesn’t go with everything else, but, you know, it feels a little like freedom.† Right, Nate. It’s a doorknob, he thought. They led him around the perimeter of the grotto, beyond the village, and into one of the huge passageways that led away from the grotto. They walked for half an hour, tracing a labyrinth of passageways that got narrower and narrower the farther off they went, the bright red lobster-shell surface fading into something that looked like mother-of-pearl the deeper in they went. It glowed faintly, just enough so they could see where they were going. Finally the passageway started to broaden again and open into a large room that looked like some sort of oval amphitheater, all of it pearlescent and providing its own light. Benches lined the walls around the room, all in view of a wide ramp that led to a round portal the size of a garage door, closed now with an iris of black shell. â€Å"Ooooh, the great and powerful Oz will see you now,† Nate said. The whaley boys, who normally found practically anything funny, just looked away. One of the black-and-whites started whistling a soft tune from his blowhole. â€Å"In the Hall of the Mountain King† or a Streisand tune – something creepy, Nate thought. Emily 7 backhanded the whistler in the chest, and he stopped abruptly. Then she put her hand on Nate’s shoulder and gestured for him to go up the steps to the round portal. â€Å"Okay, I guess this is it.† Nate started backing up the ramp as the whaley boys started backing away from him. â€Å"You guys better not leave me, because I’ll never find my way back.† Emily 7 grinned, that lovely hack-a-salmon-in-half smile of hers, and waved him on. â€Å"Thanks, Em. You look good, you know. Did I mention? Shiny.† He hoped shiny was good. The iris opened behind him, and the whaley boys fell to their knees and touched their lower jaws to the floor. Nate turned to see that the pearlescent ramp led into a vibrant red chamber that was pulsing with light and glistening with moisture as the walls appeared to breathe. Now, this looked like a living thing – the inside of a living thing. Really much more what he’d expected to see when the whale had eaten him. He made his way forward. A few steps in, the ramp melded into the reddish flesh, which Nate could now see was shot through with blood vessels and what might be nerves. He couldn’t get the size of the space he was in. It just seemed to expand to receive him and contract behind him, as if a bubble were moving along with him inside it. When the iris disappeared into the pink Goo, Nate felt a wave of panic go through him. He took a deep breath – damp, fecund air – and strangely enough he remembered what Poynter and Poe had told him bac k on the humpback ship: It’s easier if you just accept that you’re already dead. He took another deep breath and ventured forward a few more feet, then stopped. â€Å"I feel like a friggin’ sperm in here!† he yelled. What the hell, he was dead anyway. â€Å"I’m supposed to have a meeting with the Colonel.† On cue, the Goo began to open in front of him, like the view of a flower opening from the inside. A brighter light illuminated the newly opened chamber, now just large enough to house Nate, another person, and about ten feet of conversational distance. Reclining in a great pink mass of goo, dressed in tropical safari wear and a San Francisco Giants baseball hat, was the Colonel. â€Å"Nathan Quinn, good to see you. It’s been a long time,† he said. How to cite Fluke, or, I Know Why the Winged Whale Sings Chapter 27~28, Essay examples

Sex Trafficking And Labor Trafficking Essay Example For Students

Sex Trafficking And Labor Trafficking Essay â€Å"The U.S. Congress defined and classified human trafficking into two categories sex trafficking and labor trafficking the TVPA. As stated previously, sex trafficking involves the recruitment, harboring, transportation, provision, or obtaining of a person for the purpose of a commercial sex act in which a commercial sex act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person forced to perform such an act is younger than age 18. A commercial sex act means any sex act on account of which anything of value is given to or received by any person. Types of sex trafficking include prostitution, pornography, stripping, live-sex shows, mail-order brides, military prostitution, and sex tourism,† (Clawson, 2009). The demand in the sex trade is formed by two different things: the male demand and the money made. â€Å"The male demand for sexual services sustains the profitability of the sex trade as a multi billion dollar industry,† (Kara, 2009). This is something that is crucial in understanding why the sex trade functions. Since the current state of rehabilitation for former trafficked females has been ineffective, legislation and programs need to be developed to be more effective. The sex trade industry is extremely complicated and it is crucial to be able to understand that supply and demand are a key to understanding how the sex trade functions. To be put in economic terms, it is supply and demand. An economic analysis explained it this way, â€Å"certain market forces create a demand for a product; other market forces create supply to meet that demand† (Kara, 2009). Within the sex trafficking industry it is important to understand that there is a difference between sex trafficking and prostitution, although they both exemplify extr. .ries overseas, helping to find the victims of exploitation. They work to put together resources in both physical and spiritual ways to bring healing and restoration. They work to find education and job training opportunities, all of these resources created by people who are seeking after Jesus and who in a specific way want to have an outlet and resources for these former victims to turn to and ways to get help. It is their main desire to work to get these victims help and to empower and equip them with the skills needed to move forward with their lives and to truly find healing from all the hardships and wounds they have acquired (Hope 3). Then in turn there is the solution, the solution to this problem that has been going on for thousands of years. The problem of women being looked at like an object, and men getting away with treating and using them like they are.